The Late Prehistoric* Period refers to the time immediately before the movement of Europeans into the Ohio country. The Native American cultures occupying Ohio during this period lived in large villages often surrounded by a stockade wall.
Further information:. 1000 BC–800 AD: The develops in the Western Arctic along the shore of the. 1000 BC: -speaking natives arrive in Alaska and western Canada, possibly from. 1000 BC: Pottery making widespread in the. 1000 BC–100 AD: takes form in the valley, carving fine stone placed with their dead in gigantic burial mounds.
500–1 BC: phase of early culture begins in the American Southwest. 500 BC–AD 1000: on the. 300 BC: people, possibly descended from the, appear in southeast Arizona and southwest New Mexico. 200 BC–500 AD: The begins flourishing in much of the East, with mining centered in the Great Lakes region.
1 BC: Some central and eastern prairie peoples learned to raise crops and shape from the to their east. 500 BC–700 AD: thrives in the western. 50 BC–800 AD: thrives in the western. 1 AD: Some central and eastern prairie peoples learned to raise crops and shape from the to their east.
100–1000: flourishes in coastal. They are known for their extraordinarily well-preserved wood carvings.
200: The of the valley evolves into the. 200–800: cultures flourish in the Eastern North America. 200–1450: flourish in and north.
400: Cultivation of (corn) begins in the American Southeastern Woodlands and soon reaches the Northeastern Woodlands. Originally domesticated in, maize transforms the. 400: of the American Southwest weave extraordinarily long nets for trapping small animals and make fibers into large sacks and bags. 500: phase of culture diminishes in the American Southwest.
700: of the American Southwest evolve into the early culture. 755±65—890±65: likely dates of the being sculpted by ancestral and in the,. 700–800: of the American Southwest or transition from to multi-story and stone apartments called. 800–1500: spawns powerful chiefdoms of great agricultural throughout the.
875: people begin farming along the valley in western Arizona and eastern California. 900: Earliest event recorded in the Battiste Good (1821–22, ). 900: culture dominates much of the American Southwest. 900: American Southwestern tribes trade with to obtain copper bells cast through the.
915 (exact date): Construction begins at, the largest Ancestral Pueblo Great House. 1000: Discovery of. 1000-1200: and are established, become the. 1000–1750: culture, a non- emerges in modern-day southern, northern, southeastern, and western.
1000–1780: on Great Plains, from to. 1070: built in Ohio. 1100: in reaches apex in size at 800 rooms.
1100: reaches apex in present-day. Scandinavians briefly settled (likely on the Canadian Maritime island of ) early in the century and perhaps ventured as far south as New England. The began absorbing the old in Arctic Alaska. 900–1150: in the American Southwest. 1000–1200: in the Eastern Woodlands.
1000–1200: and are established, and become the. 1142: is founded, and the is adopted by the,. Invented by, which the used to record information. 1150–1350: in the American Southwest. The Inuit largely displaced the old in Arctic Alaska.
The most important city of the of, on the opposite modern, reached its zenith. It was the largest city in North America in the 12th century. 1150–1350: are in their. 1200: Construction begins on the near. This ceremonial center for the is occupied and built upon until the early 17th century. 1200–1400: flourishes in the. 1250: emerges in.
1250:, and other architectural complexes reach their apex. The Inuit have completely displaced the old in Arctic Alaska. people in the American Southwest evacuate most above-ground pueblos to build spectacular housing hundreds of people. The dominant begin gradually absorbing the culture in the American Southwest.speaking people begin migrating from the prairies of Alberta and Montana toward the.
The area of the American Southwest suffered severe droughts late in the century, causing many Pueblos to abandon their cliff dwellings for irrigable settlements along the in southern New Mexico. 1300: is abandoned.
1200–1400: in the Eastern Woodlands. 1315–1317: The brought a period of severe decline to medieval Europe, causing the. The 14th century in America probably also brought decline of the, especially in the northern states. Suggests that severe droughts ravaged the American Southwest and especially the Southern Plains early in the period, leading to a rapid cultural decline.speaking people continue to migrate southward from the Canadian prairies toward the.speaking and reach the after migrating over three centuries from the western Canadian prairies. (, ). (, ).
1497: Italian navigator sails from England to Newfoundland (first European contact on the American continent since the 500 years earlier. See also.
Notes.
This web site is dedicated to investigating mysteries of history and archaeology, some that arose long before Christopher Columbus sailed west, some that are more recent. A few are current. There are articles by both amateurs and professionals, seasoned researchers and beginners, great writers, and people who simply have something to say. All of them get a voice here. You may notice a close similarity to the name of a popular archaeology magazine,.
We are not that magazine, but we cooperate with it frequently. In fact, many of the writers you encounter here are also contributors to the. We also report / reprint from interest groups when the discussion brings important points to the table. Both recent and rare books, other publications, videos, maps, artifacts and reproductions will come up for sale in our eShop. But, mostly, we provide YOU a place to express your interests and opinions. Dear Colleague, Rob Hyde and I have published our “study volume” of the Tucson Artifacts. This collection of plates, texts and translations brings to general scholarly notice solid archeological and literary proof of Old World influences and settlements in pre-Columbian America.
It is available to preview or order only by special invitation and by going to this link: You can purchase a softcover print edition of the book from Blurb for $18.75 or pdf download for $9.99. In the meantime. Here is the preface from the Blurb study edition so you can read about the background of this publication: Preface Now that nearly a hundred years have passed since the so-called Tucson Crosses or Silverbell Artifacts were excavated in the compacted soil of the Santa Cruz river valley outside Tucson, Arizona in the years between 1924 and 1930, it seems appropriate to tell the real story of their meaning for Southwest archeology and indeed world history. There are thirty-five cast lead artifacts, counting double crosses as two and pieces of swords or spears that join to form one. Only one is not lead, the Theodore memorial shaped from native caliche that constitutes artifact no. All form part of the 1994 bequest to the Arizona Historical Society Museum, Southern Division by Thomas W.
Bent, Jr., where they are split between display cases in the lobby and the vault. The crosses and related objects, including two nehushtans, were made by the lost-wax process from lead, a favored medium for lasting memorials in antiquity and valuable by-product from the gold-silver-and-copper mining carried on by various foreign visitors in Arizona. They are covered with medieval Latin and square Hebrew inscriptions that provide a record of a military colony of Roman, Frankish and British Jews who conquered the Toltec fortress city of Rhoda we now know as Tumamoc Hill overlooking Tucson, an ancient and important trading and mining site among the Hohokam Indians. The founders called their new realm Calalus (“Wasteland” in Hebrew) and it lasted from 780 until 900, when it was destroyed by earthquakes, and the king returned with a large part of his followers to Mexico. At this crossroads of civilizations in ninth century West Mexico we also detect Chinese seal script, Hindu cult objects, Mesoamerican glyphs, images of Jewish and Christian temples, Celtic ogam inscriptions and what might be called “pre-Templar” symbols. On March 11-14, 2015, with the assistance of Laraine Daly Jones and Doreen Crowe, we were able to take formal studio shots of the entire accession catalogued as 94.26.1AB-32.
A record of that photo session is compiled in this private publication with the hope that such a collection of plates paired with matching inventory notes will aide us in preparation of a scholarly monograph on the Calalus Artifacts, as well as be of possible use to the owner institution, people of Arizona and public at large. Hyde and Donald N. Yates March 1, 2016 Rob and I are now engaged in the following three-volume project. Forthcoming from Panther’s Lodge Publishers: Forbidden History: A Jewish Kingdom in Toltec Mexico, 780-900 Vol. 1: The Latin Texts Vol. 2: Analysis and Interpretation Vol.
3: Appendices, Bibliography and Index By Robert C. Hyde and Donald N. Yates Published by Panther’s Lodge Publishers 2016 We look forward to hearing any feedback from you and encourage you to pass this email on to interested persons. Best regards, Donald N. Principal Investigator DNA Consultants P.O. Box 2477 Longmont, CO 80502 tel. Signed book above is available directly from the author.
For more information in acquiring the dvd and joining the California Rock Art Foundation click or to purchase at The Bradshaw Foundation click Alan P. Garfinkel, Ph.D. Principal Archaeologist UltraSystems Environmental Founder and Director California Rock Art Foundation By: Alan P. Garfinkel and J. Kenneth Pringle 2015 Alan P. Garfinkel Ph.D., Principal Archaeologist, UltraSystem Environmental, [email protected].
Kenneth Pringle, formerly with the China Lake Naval Weapons Station Ridgecrest, California. Co-author of Rock Drawings of the Coso Range, Maturango Museum Monograph Publication 4, 1968 Identification and analysis of a series of corner-notched and basal notched projectile point images and those rendered in association with human and animal-human supernatural figures are located in the Coso Range of eastern California.
These images when considered in detail appear to date to the period when Elko and Humboldt Series points were in use. Two direct, experimental XRF dates made directly on two of the images support this determination. The XRF dates provide a mean age of 2,750 plus or minus 700 calendar years before present for these images (and also provide an indirect basis for dating the other similar figures).
The dates provide a general age range for these corner notched and basal notched point depictions. The age is consistent with the well documented and radiocarbon supported ages for Elko Series dart points and Humboldt Basal Notched thrusting spears, knives and dart points. Therefore we believe those dart point depictions and XRF dates place the Coso projectile point drawings during a range of time from about 2000 BC to AD 1. The latter age range is synchronous with the a period of dart and atlatl use and is coterminous with the earliest accepted dates for the initiation of Rose Spring Series arrow points (ca. Also some surprising new observations associate the feminine gender with at least two of the projectile point petroglyph images. Both figures are either animal-human or human hunter (shamanistic?) depictions. Alternative suggestions are included for understanding this apparent paradoxical relationship of male weaponry with the feminine gender.
The depiction of realistic renderings of projectile point forms is an unusual feature at a handful of prehistoric rock art sites in the United States. This rare occurrence has only been documented at a few archeological sites in North America (Callahan 2003; Keyser and Klassen 2001; Riggs 2001; Sutherland and Steed 1974; Thomas and Thomas 1972).
Campbell Grant and his associates initially recognized a number of such projectile point petroglyphs within the Coso Range rock art tradition (Grant et al. The authors mention them briefly and only devote a single paragraph within their 147 page monograph. However, even after mentioning them and providing pen and ink sketches of these elements and figures they did not attempt to date them. Neither did they comment on the character of the figures or their possible meaning and function of the images of the projectile points themselves. For this study, we relocated many of the Grant et al. Projectile point sites, discovered some new ones and attempted to correlate the most common corner-notched and basal notched forms with temporally diagnostic (time sensitive) southwestern Great Basin point styles to help date these specific petroglyphs (Figure 1). This study was limited to the area within the confines of the China Lake Naval Air Weapons Station and the glyphs at Little Lake.
Other examples of Coso Style petroglyphs are known outside that area including those in the El Paso Mountains, Panamint Mountains, Argus Range and north of the base at Centennial Springs. Those other areas were not included in this research. Location of Coso Style rock art area. McMahon Symbologist/Researcher The seafarer was born, sailed the oceans, and generated symbols as a testament to the journeys undertaken. The seafarer connected the star dots.
The god was the sun, and the goddess was Venus, and every eight years they unite. They shared equal attention by the ancient civilizations.
Water flowed and five thousand years ago people determined that they could navigate the waters to explore the earth. Celestial guidance was developed with symbolic representation. The seafarers were interested in sailing on the waters and staying on islands, noting the safety the islands provided.
Out of land sight, new lands and islands were discovered by the seafarers, and they needed a way to preserve their findings, that is, locations. Symbols were created to record the calendar and navigation aspects of the seafarer’s explorations. Realities needed to be expressed. Pictograms, or glyphs, were etched on stones and represented an object, a single symbol. Combining the symbols led to further expressions of reality. What was below were locations, latitudes and longitudes.
What was above were celestial bodies. Connecting the stars forming various shapes with well-defined angles generated patterns, i.e., maps.
Astronomy was created for calendars and then for navigation. Before 5000 BCE, seafarers were sailing to Ireland, and by 3200 BCE symbols were being etched on stones in Ireland. To reach Ireland, sailing was required.
There, also, is evidence that seafarers reached North America by 3000 BCE. The seafarers left symbols for those who came later to understand why they went to Ireland.
By taking a seafarer’s perspective, the Irish symbols were decoded. Taking a seafaring view, the reality behind the symbols is understood. Many of these navigation symbols are found in North America with the same meaning. The following seafaring questions were a theme throughout the book, Reference 1: A Se afarer’s Perspective Where am I? Customer’s Location, Latitude and Longitude Where am I going?
Trading Locations, Latitude and Longitude Why am I going? Gold and Copper How will I get there? Celestial Navigation by Boat How long will it take? One Sailing Season, a Planting Season, and a Return Season Will I, or someone, return? Yes, need Symbols/Logbooks These questions all require counting, measuring of angles and the creation of symbols.
Two basic trips were discovered and decoded: the RK Trip for copper to North America returning through Ireland and the Harp Trip to Ireland. The RK Trip for copper to North America started in the Isle of Meroe on the Nile River and went to the Isle Royale in Northern Michigan. The Harp Trips for gold also began on the Nile River and went to Ireland. These trips were significant events evolving as the seafarers sailed west and were painted in the pharaoh’s pyramids.
The trips were frequently taken based on the number of times the trips were painted on the Nile River Dynasty’s stone structures. One should realize that these trips were initially taken hundreds of years before the pyramids were built. Symbols were created to record these significant trips for gold and copper. The following summarizes the decoded navigation symbols. Navigation: Megalithic maps for key locations in Ireland A summary of decoded map kerbstones in Ireland is shown in Figure 1, where the kerbstones surround a map of Ireland.
Spirals were a symbol for a safe harbor. Figure 1: Summary of symbols from key kerbstones in Ireland These kerbstones, Reference 4, are maps of harbors (spirals), storage facilities, mining locations (cup marks) and metal ruler’s locations (concentric circles within ovals, cartouches) in Ireland. The upper-right stone found at Knockmany, Reference 5, shows the Barnenez Mound in northwest Brittany.
There are symbol connections to other megalithic locations on the west coast of Europe. The diamonds represent the sun-shadow latitudes based on the Winter Solstice sunrise angles of these locations. The zigzags represent counting for trip days between locations. Maps in Locations Close to Ireland Figure 2: Summary of symbols from key stones from megalithic sites close to Ireland Figure 2 shows key map stones from harbors next to Ireland. Going clockwise, we have the spiral harbor map of Wales, the concentric semicircle map of the Brittany harbors, the grid map showing the path through the Strait of Gibraltar and then to the Azores Islands, the river map of the west coast of the Iberian Peninsula and the spiral harbor maps of Ireland. The stacked diamonds on the Brittany Coast Map relate to decreasing sun-shadow latitudes for the selected locations.
The right column of navigation symbols is found in Mound A at Barnenez and has symbols for a global map, the horns of Venus, the Northern Cross with the Summer (navigation) Triangle, the symbol for sea travel and a feather for truth. These stones at locations near to Ireland relate to navigation and the storage and processing of metals as part of the trade routes. Revised and Updated: By Alan P.
Garfinkel, Ph.D. December 2014 Originally published in: North American Archaeologist, Spring 2007 Edition Alan P. Garfinkel, Ph.D. Principal Archaeologist UltraSystems Environmental Founder and Director California Rock Art Foundation ABSTRACT One of the more spectacular expressions of prehistoric rock art in all of the Western Hemisphere is the petroglyph concentration in the Coso Range of eastern California.
These glyphs have played a prominent role in attempts to understand forager religious iconography. Four decades ago, Heizer and Baumhoff (1962) concluded that Great Basin petroglyphs were associated with hunting large game and were intended to supernaturally increase success in the hunt. Similarly, in their seminal work Grant et al. (1968) concluded that the desert bighorn sheep drawings of the Coso Region bolstered the “hunting magic” hypothesis. However, this hunting magic hypothesis has become increasingly marginalized by a prevailing view that considers most rock art as a nearly exclusive, expression of individualistic shamanistic endeavor.
1 This paper explores comparative ethnologic and archaeological evidence supporting the hunting magic hypothesis. I place this explanatory framework in a fuller context based on a contemporary understanding of comparative hunter-gather religion and the complexity of forager symbolism. The paper argues that the preponderance of Coso images are conventionalized iconography associated with a sheep cult ceremonial complex. This model is not entirely inconsistent with models interpreting the Coso drawings as metaphoric images correlated with individual shamanic vision quests. A synthetic framework applying both models is suggested. Introduction Four decades ago, Heizer and Baumhoff 2 concluded that Great Basin petroglyphs were associated with the hunting of large game. This “hunting magic” hypothesis was based on the distribution of rock art sites found along game migration trails.
The researchers posited that the primary animal being hunted was the bighorn sheep. In their work on the Coso Range drawings, Grant et al.
3 concluded that the realistic sheep drawings bolstered that hypothesis (Figure 1). Yet over the years the hunting magic model has not fared well.
At best, this interpretation has lost “traction” and is currently classified as an “out-of-favor” theory 4. The hypothesis has become increasingly marginalized by researchers worldwide 5 and has been replaced by a prevailing view that most rock art is a nearly exclusive expression of shamanism 6. Any concept that purports to account for all, or even most rock art of a given style or motif, I would argue, is inherently suspect. One would expect to find that different sets of environmental, cosmological, religious, artistic, and social factors influenced the creation of rock art at various times and places. Nevertheless, the manner in which hunting magic has been specifically framed does not provide a clear and full picture of the context and implications of that particularly important model. Such treatment minimizes the role that ritual and symbolism plays in animistic hunter-gatherer societies 7.
It also implies a rather monolithic notion of the eclectic manifestations of ritual behavior identifying them under a singular and somewhat ambiguous term of “shamanism” 8. Location of Coso Range rock drawings. The largest petroglyph concentrations are located within the named canyons identified on the map.
Boundary of the China Lake Naval Air Weapons Station and location of the station within the state of California is depicted on the inset map. The concentrations of Coso rock art are found excusively on the North Rase. The North and South Range of the China Lake Installation makes up an area containing over 1 million acres.
By, William Olivadoti In general, a work, by an amateur, which attempts to show parallels and similarities between distant and diverse cultures, in both time and space, culminating in which appear to be evidentiary clues in both archival and geographic form, which could be postulated to possibly substantiate those connections of cultures. In particular, a pattern of anomalies in a certain area in the Adirondack Mountains surrounding Pharaoh Mountain within a radius of 3 miles and a second similar pattern within a radius of 25 miles.
The amateur writer endeavors to present aspects of discoveries of anomalous lakes and ponds therein, which appear to reflect similar mathematical patterns throughout, with the hope that others would search and find further anomalies analogous to those in the book. A history of several diverse cultures are presented, including Native American and ancient Mediterranean.
The author was born and raised 12 miles from Pharoah Mt. And 7 miles from the nearest water anomaly. He traveled the local mountains extensively in his youth and heard many stories handed down to his grandmother and relatives concerning Native American legends and myths. The author presents the sum of those archives, traditions and geographical anomalies for the curiosity and thought-stimulation of the reader. The book contains aerial and satellite photographs of lakes and ponds which can be taken, upon viewing, appearing to be arrowhead-shaped, ship-shaped, animal-shaped and other. Five tabular data sections present the mathematical and other numerical attributes associated with up to 16, 18, 56, 60 lakes and ponds, resp., 18 of which are close to Pharaoh Mountain.
Petroglyphs and rock anomalies in the nearby mountains are also displayed in the work. Title: Ships of the Giants? 128 pages language: English 166+ photos and pictures color mostly 21 maps color mostly 85 footnotes 110 bibliography 5 tables The book comes in either paperback $49.99 + $5 shipping or hardcover $59.99 + $5 shipping. Author: William C. Olivadoti [email protected] The author has no training nor experience in archaeology. By Richard D.
Moats Overview: The Salisbury brothers authored a paper in 1862 describing several archaeological sites in Ohio. One was an “Ancient Symbolic Earth Works” in Northern Perry County. The paper included a narrative and plot map of a hill top earthwork and three associated features. They recorded linear measurements, angles of intersection, and mound elevations. They described five structures with flat tops which they termed “platforms” and another as an open “C” shaped structure (Salisbury and Salisbury 1862). State Archaeologist Warren K.
Moorehead published a short article in 1896 describing the site naming it “Frank Yost’s Mounds” after the landowner. The only significant information he added to the Salisbury paper was finding ash in what he termed the “bird effigy” located inside a large circular enclosure.
(Moorehead 1896). Moorhead’s report did not contain the detail or descriptions of the entire structure as described in the Salisbury document. This indicates erosion and intentional agricultural destruction began in the latter half of the 19th century. Until recently, the large circle with an internal crescent and a small nearby mound are the only features known to exist into modern times.
It is obvious the site was a large geometric earthwork similar to other Hopewell sites in Ohio. However, some features and therefore functions are unlike any other known Hopewell site, making this a very unique and important site. This paper encompasses the rediscovery of lost features, digital reconstruction of the site, and investigation into its functions. I will show how the site integrates distant terrestrial features and offer my research into the purpose of this three dimensional geometric earthwork.
I will demonstrate how precise construction and spatial orientation of the structure provided alignments with celestial body rise and set points. I will describe the visual illusions created by celestial body rises and settings in relation to the earthwork and a distant terrestrial feature. I will also suggest hypothesizes for the cognitive precursors for these Native Americans to construct such an elaborate structure.
Site Reconstruction: The geographic center of the site, 33Pe5 in the Ohio Site Registry, known today as the “Yost Works”, is located on a hill top at coordinates 35°54’02”N x 82°20’31”W in Northern Perry County, Ohio. To the south of site center is an intact large circular enclosure and a small nearby mound both covered by trees and brush. Inside the enclosure on the south interior perimeter is an earthen crescent with a central “bulge” which, when viewed from above resembles an effigy of a spread wing bird. Until recently, these are the only features of the geometric structure known to have survived.
Construction of an accurate site plot map began with entering the linear measurements generated by the Salisbury’s into a Computer Aided Design Program, (CAD). Scale and orientation needed to be verified before an accurate reconstruction could be completed. Romain provided aerial LiDAR, images of the site. LiDAR is an acronym for Light Detection and Ranging.
By filtering the digital LiDAR data in bare earth mode, foliage was eliminated and subtle terrain elevations were delineated. (2008a, 2008b. Romain and Burks).
Figure 1 LiDAR image revealing earthwork features. Romain, Interpretation, R. By Carl Bjork At a crime scene, the investigator will always ask the question, “who” perpetrated the offense. And, to answer the question you must discover the “why.” What is the motivation; is it cultural or survival, or perhaps the dictates of the mores of the people? When we discover a crime scene; is there a “crime” committed, what or who has decided that an offense or violation took place? Was the evil deed the results of an action by a male or a female? Have we forgotten in our patriarchal world of today that there are females?
Did females carve and paint petroglyphs and pictographs? The answer is, yes! To understand the role of the female or the male and their “authority” to carve the rocks and paint the symbols in the caves, we will have to discover their role in the society that they live. Do “all” members of the society share equal authority; can each person regardless of social status carve the rocks? The answer is, no!
History as we know it, or more correctly, how a history has been taught to us and what we believe history to be because of our life education, we will never know the real answer. It is problematic to know the truth, so-called “rock art” is not a written language using an alphabet or any other system of symbols to create words that are orally and verbally spoken. There are no tomes of written knowledge; hieroglyphs may come close because we find it carved and painted on walls in ancient temples and tombs, not that far distance from what we find in many locations throughout the world. Many petroglyphs in the State of Nevada easily match carvings found on ancient walls along the Nile River. Where do we find the answer, do we trust the archeologist even though we can use science to date the site where the rock art is located, is there a valid connection between the dating of the organics in the soil and the carvings?
Did the carvings come first from an ancient time and the use of the site at a later date, or did the site activity come first and the carvings were a part of the use of the site? Both answers are no doubt correct. That is the answer that I received over the past forty or so years that I have asked the question, “who and why” at the site and location of the rock-art. What was the motivation, the same question an investigator asks at the scene of a crime? You will discover the answer regarding the debate for what gender was carving and painting the petroglyphs and paintings within the indigenous community. Even today petroglyphs are carved by those given the authority and taught by the elders.
Within the Northern Paiute community of the Great Basin area of the western United States there are members of the tribal group that have been selected and given the “authority.” Many given the authority are female. It is a special honor to be selected for the authority, and the teachings of the sacred medicine knowledge.
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Cupules, the small round-shaped dimpled petroglyphs (25-38 mm in diameter) are only created by females. When cupules are in spatial relationship with a rock art site, the site location is “female” and usually the males within the indigenous community are forbidden from visiting the site or knowing of the sacred female knowledge. At “male” sites it is also forbidden for females to visit; even on death if those without the authority enter a site. Most rock art sites are off-limits to those without the authority in the community.
Even today, sacredness and knowledge are closely guarded by those in position of power and leadership. Many societies throughout the world are considered “matriarchal” as are the Hopi and Dine’ (Navajo) Tribes. The grandmother elders are highly respected and honoredthe keepers of the traditional knowledge. According to the story in the Gazette by Mr. Kinkaid, the archaeologist of the Smithsonian Institute, which is financing the explorations, have made discoveries which almost conclusively prove that the race which inhabited this mysterious cavern, hewn in solid rock by human hands, was of origin or possibly from tracing back to Ramses. If their theories are borne out of the translation of the tablets engraved with hieroglyphics, the mystery of the prehistoric peoples of North America, their ancient arts, who they were and whence they came, will be solved. And the Nile and Arizona and the Colorado will be linked by a historical chain running back to ages which staggers the wildest fancy of the fictionist.
A Thorough Investigation Under the direction of professor S.A. Jordan, the Smithsonian Institute is now prosecuting the most thorough explorations, which will be continued until the last link in the chain has been forged. Nearly a mile underground, about 1480 feet below the surface, the long main passage has been delved into, to find another mammoth chamber from which radiates scores of passageways, like the spokes of a wheel. Several hundred rooms have been discovered, reached by passageways running from the main passage, one of them having been explored for 854 feet and another 634 feet. The recent finds include articles which have never been known as native to this country and doubtless they had their origin in the Orient. War weapons, copper instruments sharp edged and hard as steel, indicate the high state of civilization reached by these strange people. So interested have the scientists become that preparations are being made to equip the camp for extensive studies and the force will be increased to thirty or forty persons.
Before going further into the cavern, better facilities for lighting have to be installed, for the darkness is dense and impenetrable for the average flash light. In order to avoid being lost, wires are being strung from the entrance to all passageways leading directly to large chambers. How far this cavern extends no one can guess, but it is now the belief of many that what has already been explored is merely the “Barracks”, to use an American term, for the soldiers, and that far into the underworld will be found the main communal dwellings of the families and possibly other shrines. The ventilation that blows through indicates another outlet to the surface. “First, I would impress that the cavern is almost inaccessible. The entrance is almost 1486 feet down a shear canyon wall.
It is located on government land and no visitor will be allowed there under penalty of trespass. The scientists wish to work unmolested, without fear of the archaeological discoveries being disturbed by curio or relic hunters.
A trip there would be fruitless and the visitor would be sent on his way. The story of how I found the cavern: I was journeying down the Colorado river in a boat, alone, looking for mineral. Some forty two miles up the river from El Tovar Crystal canyon, I saw on the east wall, stains in the sedimentary formation about 2000 feet above the river bed.
There was no trail to this point, but I finally reached it with great difficulty. Above a shelf, which hid it from view of the river, was the mouth of the cave. There are steps leading from this entrance some thirty yards from what was at the time the cavern was inhabited, the level of the river. When I saw the chisel marks on the wall inside the entrance, I became interested, secured my gun and went in. During that trip I went back several hundred feet along the main passage, till I came to the main crypt in which I discovered the mummies.
One of these I stood up and photographed by flashlight. I gathered a number of relics, which I carried down the Colorado to Yuma, from whence I shipped them to Washington with details of the discovery. Following this, the explorations were undertaken”. The Passages “The main passageway is about 12 feet wide, narrowing to 9 feet toward the farther end. About 57 feet from the entrance, the first passages branch off to the right and left, along which, on both sides, are a number of rooms about the size of ordinary living rooms of today, though some are 30 to 40 feet square. These are entered by oval shaped doors and are ventilated by round air spaces through the walls into the passages. The walls are about 3 feet 6 inches in thickness.
The passages are chiseled or hewn as straight as could be laid out by any engineer. The ceilings of many of the rooms converge to a center. The side passages near the entrance run at a sharp angle from the main hall, but toward the rear they gradually reach a right angle in direction”. “Over a hundred feet from the entrance is a cross-hall, several hundred feet long, in which was found the idol, or image, of the peoples god, sitting cross-legged, with a Lotus flower or Lily in each hand. The cast of the face and the carving shows a skillful hand, and the entire is remarkably well preserved, as is everything in this cavern.
The idol most resembles Buddha, though the scientists are not certain as to what religious worship it represents. Taking into consideration everything found thus far, it is possible that the worship most resembles the ancient people of Thibet. Surrounding this idol are smaller images, some beautiful in form, other crooked necked and distorted shapes, symbolical, probably, of good and evil. There are two large cacti with protruding arms, one on each side of the dais on which the god squats.
All this is carved out of hard rock resembling marble. In the opposite corner of this cross-hall were found tools of all descriptions, made of copper. This people undoubtedly knew the lost art of hardening this metal, which has been sought by chemists for centuries without result.
On a bench running around the workroom was some charcoal and other material probably used in the process. There is also slag and stuff similar to matte, showing that these ancient peoples smelted ores, but so far, no trace of where of how this was done has been discovered, nor the origin of the ore.
Among other finds are vases or urns and cups of copper and gold made very artistic in design. The pottery work includes enameled ware and glazed vessels.
Another passageway leads to granaries such as are found in the temples. They contain seeds of various kinds. One very large storehouse has not been entered, as it is twelve feet high and can be reached only from above. Two copper hooks extend on the edge, (continued on page 7) which indicates that some sort of ladder was attached. These granaries are rounded and the materials of which they are constructed, I think, is a very hard cement. A grey metal is also found in this cavern which puzzles the scientists, for it’s identity has not been established. It resembles platinum.
Strewn promiscuously over the floor everywhere are what people call “Cats eyes” or “Tiger eyes”, a yellow stone of no great value. Each one is engraved with a head of a Malay type.” The Hieroglyphics “On all the urns, on the walls over the doorways and tablets of stone which were found by the image are mysterious hieroglyphics, the key to which the Smithsonian Institution hopes yet to discover. These writings resemble those found on the rocks about this valley. The engraving on the tablets probably has something to do with the religion of the people, Similar hieroglyphics have been found in the peninsula of Yucatan, but these are not found in the Orient.
Some believe that these cave dwellers built the old canals in the Salt River valley. Among the pictorial writings only two animals are found. One is of prehistoric type”. The Crypt “The tomb or crypt in which the mummies are found is one of the largest of the chambers, the walls slanting back at an angle of about 35 degrees. One these are tiers of mummies, each one occupying a separate hewn shelf. At the head of each is a small bench on which is found copper cups and pieces of broken swords.
Some of the mummies are covered with clay and all are wrapped in a bark fabric. The urns or cups on the lower tiers are crude, while as the higher shelves are reached, the urns are finer in design showing an inter-stage of civilization. It is worthy of note that all the mummies examined so far have proved to be male, no children or females being buried here.
This leads to the belief that this interior section was the warriors barracks. Among the discoveries no bones of animals have been found, no skins, no clothing nor bedding.
Many of the rooms are bare but for the water vessels. One room, about 400 by 700 feet, was probably the main dining hall for cooking utensils are found here. What these people lived on is a problem, though it is presumed that they came south for the winter and farmed in the valleys, going back north in the summer.
Upwards of 50,000 people could have lived in the cavern comfortably. One theory is that the present tribe found in Arizona are descendants of the serfs or slaves of the people which inhabited the cave. Undoubtedly a good many thousands of years before the Christian era a people lived here which reached a high state of civilization. The chronology of human history is full of gaps. Jordan is much enthused over the discoveries and believes that the find will prove of incalculable value in archaeological work. One thing I have spoken of may be of interest. There is one chamber the passageways to which is not ventilated and when we approach it a deadly, snaky smell struck us.
Our lights would not penetrate the gloom and until stronger ones are available, we will not know what the chamber contains. Some say snakes, but others boo-hoo this idea and think that it may contain a deadly gas or chemicals used by the ancients. No sounds are heard, but it smells just the same. The whole underground institution gives one of shaky nerves the creeps.
The gloom is like a weight on ones shoulders and our flashlights and candles only make the darkness blacker. Imagination can revel in conjectures and ungodly day-dreams back through the ages that have elapsed till the mind reels dizzily in space. An Indian Legend. In connection with this story, it is notable that among the Hopis the tradition is told that their ancestors once lived in an underworld in the Grand Canyon till dissension arose between the good and the bad, the people of one heart, the people of two hearts. (Manchoto) who was their chief, counselled them to leave the underworld, but there was no way out.
The chief then caused a tree to grow up and pierce the roof of the underworld and then the people of one heart climbed out. They tarried by Palsiaval (Red River), which is the Colorado, and grew grain and corn. They sent out a message to the temple of the sun, asking the blessing of peace, good will and rain for the people of one heart. That messenger never returned but, today at the Hopi village, at sundown can be seen the old men of the tribe out on the housetops gazing towards the sun, looking for the messenger. When he returns, their land and ancient dwelling place will be restored to them. That is the tradition. Among the engravings of animals in the cave is seen a image of a heart over the spot where it is located.
The legend was learned by W.E. Rollins, the artist, during a year spent with the Hopi Indians. There are two theories of the origin of the.
One is that they came from Asia: another is that the racial cradle was in the upper Nile region. Heeren, an Egyptologist, believed in the Indian origin of the Egyptians.
The discoveries in the Grand Canyon may throw further light on human evolution and.” The Smithsonian Says they have no record of this happening and stories of a massive cover up have be around since the story made print in 1909. I guess one must pose the question as to why this finding must be suppressed for over 100 years. Perhaps solid proof of things that proved lies in the history of our word, or a kept hidden for who knows how long before it’s discovery in 1909.
In a world that fears solid proof more each day, we man never know. For more information please visit: Thank you very much Mr. What would it take to unseat the belief that Columbus discovered America and the New World had no visitors or colonists before 1492?
DNA evidence? Archeological evidence? Literary evidence? Historical accounts? All proofs but DNA are present in the so-called Tucson Crosses, and the moment everyone was waiting for occurred on December 13, 1925, when New Yorkers opened their Sunday morning newspaper and read a cover story about the Jewish and Christian settlement in Arizona that began in 775 and lasted until 900. The controversy has raged ever since.
Most believe the Tucson Crosses are fakes. But they are kept in a public repository today at the Arizona Historical Society Museum in Tucson and you can go view them and judge for yourself. SUMMARY/INTRO Could a Roman-style site lie under modern Tucson? Could the 9 th-century Roman Jewish lead ceremonial crosses, swords and spears called the Tucson artifacts have washed down the Santa Cruz to their 1924 find location on Silverbell Road in a mudslide with the well-documented cataclysmic earthquake of 895?
Tucson Crosses and Quetzalcoatl SPECIAL to ANCIENT AMERICA By Donald N. Yates In 1924, Charles Manier and his father stopped by a limekiln on Silverbell Road in Tucson, Arizona on a weekend drive. While investigating the ruins, Mr.
Manier noticed a large piece of metal sticking out of the ground. This discovery would lead to one of the greatest archeological controversies in the twentieth century—a pre-Columbian Roman-Jewish colony with ties to the Toltecs and possibly, their empire in Tollan, Mexico. The following newspaper article summarizes a lecture presented by Mrs. Laura Ostrander, a local historian, consultant and transcriptionist of Latin, who was integrally involved in the discoveries between 1924 and 1925. Ostrander came highly recommended by Dr. Sarle, professor of geology at the University of Arizona, who worked on the original excavations with Charles Manier and his partner, Thomas W. New York Times headline about the “relics” made a splash around the world.
The Pima Indians and their southern cousins the Papago have been studied intensely by ethnologists and others. They are often represented as definitive specimens of the “Amerind” ethnic type.
Genetic surveys feature them front and center. Their creation story has been codified in the book titled The Short, Swift Time of Gods on Earth: The Hohokam Chronicles, by Donald Bahr, Juan Smith, William Smith Allison and Julian Hayden, a text widely used in university anthropology courses.
During the conquest of the American Southwest, the Pima were regarded as strong, friendly and intelligent, as model candidates for assimilation, highly useful as soldiers, guides and intermediaries with the surrounding tribes. Their ancestors, known as the Hohokam, are believed to be responsible for the first indigenous civilization to develop in the region about 400 C.E., marked by city life, canal systems, sophisticated agriculture and long-distance trade.
This blog post from DNA Consultants explores the fine-scale genetic similarities between the Pima, Maya and other populations in terms of admixture and suggests that the Pima may have preserved the signature of Old World colonists, especially the Sea Peoples, Semitic visitors like the Phoenicians, and Greeks and Libyans. It is excerpted from a work-in-progress by Robert C. Hyde and Donald N. Yates, The Tucson Artifacts: A Paleographical and Photographic Edition of the Roman Jewish Medieval Latin Inscriptions in the Arizona Historical Society Collection.